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Responsibility Julia Berest. Edition 1st ed. Imprint New York : Palgrave Macmillan, Druzhinin, and K. Kavelin Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, , Vladimir Cross of the Fourth Degree Pushkin was one of many students who gave the lyceum a reputation for being a hotbed of liberalism and freethinking. Petersburg University which succeeded the institute in His irst articles, in , were about the Napoleonic Wars.

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In , he wrote articles on serfdom, constitutionalism and freedom, and the philosophical principles of international relations. Berest devotes chapter 3 to analysis of the later articles and to the general historical context in more detail than earlier in the book. Political journalism was in its infancy. Unlike Kunitsyn, who earned his noble status, Turgenev was a hereditary nobleman, large serf-owner, and oicial in the State Council.

His Opyt teorii nalogov Essay on the heory of Taxation, received a long review by Kunitsyn, who praised it for its principles of social justice and liberalism. However, neither the society nor its journal went beyond the planning stage. Berest judiciously reviews the debate over the possible connection of the Society of the Year with the Union of Welfare, founded in and replaced in by the more radical Northern Society that staged the Decembrist rebellion of Turgenev was a member of the Union of Welfare but later denied joining the Northern Society.

On the basis of this implausible denial and of his reformist rather than revolutionary stance, Berest distances him from the Decembrist movement, contrary to the prevalent view. At this time, he charged Count N. Yet Berest argues that since even the liberals were prepared to resort to revolution in the name of constitutional monarchy, the movement does not belong to the history of Russian liberalism n.

Karamzin but not the Decembrists in the history of Russian liberalism. It is not at all clear, however, that disavowing revolution should be made a criterion of liberalism. Locke recognized that civil society might need to change the government if the latter failed in its essential purpose of protecting natural rights.

The Emergence of Russian Liberalism: Alexander Kunitsyn in Context, 1783-1840

Furthermore, it is hard to deny that the greatest result of Russian liberalism was a revolution, that of Applying an antirevolutionary criterion to Russian liberalism seems to be based largely on historical circumstances particular to the country, namely that civil society was so weak that revolution—as liberals such as Chicherin feared—could lead to the disintegration of the state, violent anarchy, and civil war.

Berest observes that natural law was not a uniform theory in early modern Europe; it could justify either absolutism or liberalism Natural law dictated human perfectibility, an end that was to be achieved not through individual autonomy and self-determination but through collective efort directed by the paternalistic state. By the end of the 18th century, irst in Germany and then in Russia, cameralism gradually began to give way to more liberal ideas of autonomy and self-determination Adam Smith, the French physiocrats, Kant.

A year later, a new statute on university autonomy was issued, which helped make the irst two decades of the 19th century a period of relative academic freedom in Russia. According to Berest, he largely followed Kant in grounding natural rights in human nature, speciically in freedom and reason, which together constitute human personhood. He saw no need for a divine or metaphysical sanction Taking the Kantian conception of autonomy as his basic principle, he emphasized the so-called intellectual rights of freedom of conscience, freedom of thought, and freedom of expression.

Well before it was common for Russian thinkers, he seems to have defended full religious freedom for individuals, maintaining that faith is a matter of personal conviction She argues that he was even ahead of his time in recognizing societal, and not just state, threats to individual development, fulillment, and self-realization. Such invocations by imperial oicials of freedom of conscience were made from the s into the s but then declined and largely disappeared.

It conveys the priority he gave to civil over political rights: his belief that they speciied and guaranteed modern, liberal negative freedom, including equality before the law and equality of opportunity which his own life experience made him prize , and that they were the more essential ones for the development of civil society in Russia.

In her inal chapter Berest recounts the efects of the conservative backlash on tsarist educational institutions and policy. Petersburg University; the dismissal of other suspect professors followed. Mikhail Magnitskii, a conservative member of the Main School Administration, orchestrated a campaign to exclude philosophy and natural law from Russian gymnasia and universities, and though he did not succeed entirely, over the years the quality of teaching in both subjects sufered a marked decline.

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By , remaining courses in natural law were replaced by narrower, utilitarian courses in legal training. Kunitsyn fared fairly well in the years after his dismissal from university teaching. In , he obtained a position in the Ministry of Finance, and he was not afected when several Decembrists referred to him as one of their teachers in In the early s, he completed another work, Istoricheskoe izobrazhenie drevnego sudoproizvodstva v Rossii A Historical Study of Ancient Russian Jurisprudence , published posthumously in Her thesis, though she might have stated it a bit more explicitly, is important and persuasively argued: that Kunitsyn deserves to be recognized as the irst Russian liberal philosopher.

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Her book makes a compelling case that the history of Russian liberalism, at least its intellectual history, begins earlier rather than later in the 19th century. By the time of his death, the next stage in the intellectual development of Russian liberalism had already begun with the formation of 19 K. Kantor and O.

  1. The Emergence of Russian Liberalism: Alexander Kunitsyn in Context, 1783-1840.
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  7. Maiorova Moscow: Pravda, , 11— Kavelin does not refer to Kunitsyn. Osipov devotes the irst chapter of his book on the philosophy of Russian liberalism to Speranskii. From it Boris Chicherin emerged as the outstanding liberal philosopher of the 19th century.

    Article excerpt

    Over the past 50 years, both Russian and Anglo-American historiography has carefully reconstructed the history of this transition. Kushnerev, ], — Randall A. POOLE content and practical plans for reform. As a philosophy of human dignity and human rights, liberalism by its very nature makes universal claims, yet it takes on a distinctive form in any particular historical context.

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    Shneider indicates that in the case of Russia, this national or cultural distinctiveness could be framed as either philosophical or historical 8— Recent works in Russian historiography have taken the view that the distinctiveness of Russian liberalism consists in its deep philosophical or theoretical development. For him, the adaption of liberal ideas to national conditions chiely the absolutist state marks the appearance of early Russian liberalism True, George Fischer, in an early study, concentrated on the postreform period he begins with zemstvo liberalism , but subsequent works, starting with Darrell P.

    Materialy mezhdunarodnoi nauchnoi konferentsii, ed. Shelokhaev Moscow: Rosspen, , 17— Sladkevich, Ocherki istorii obshchestvennoi mysli v Rossii v kontse kh—nachale kh godov XIX veka Leningrad: Leningradskii gosudarstvennyi universitet imeni A. Zhdanova, Chicherin and K. This e-book conscientiously examines consultant texts and occasions that mirror the Irish presence in American tradition from the Famine to the current. A famous student within the box of Irish-American literature and heritage, Jack Morgan units forth and analyzes a wealth of fabric formerly unexamined with readability and perception.

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