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Chapters consider the intersecting contexts of gender, sexuality and the body in order to investigate the broader cultural, political and historical implications of Featuring original essays by leading scholars in the field, this book explores the immense legacy of Against Theatre shows that the most prominent writers of modern drama shared a radical rejection of the theatre as they knew it. Together with designers, composers and film makers, they plotted to destroy all existing theatres.

But from their destruction emerged the most astonishing innovations of modernist theatre. Against Theatre shows that the most prominent writers of modern drama shared a radical rejection of Toggle navigation. New to eBooks. Performance Interventions Series. Filter Results.

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How then, can a Constitution be insurgent? Does a Constitution not establish an order? Yes, generally a Constitution is a set of principles that legitimizes a new order. However, it would be a mistake to read the Indian Constitution as expressing a singular will and a singular order. It is misleading to see the Indian Constitution as a document emerging from reasoned debate among adversaries, representing different, even conflicting points of view, in which a balance was reached, or sought to be reached, between individual and community rights, between centre and states. If we remove this familiar grid however, we may be able to tell a different story.

Of course there are many movements that would not accept the Indian Constitution as a basis of legitimation, but here I am taking up only some movements that express their anger towards governments by reasserting the vision of the Constitution. While I do not suggest that the Constitution exhausts all possibilities for radical politics, it certainly seems to offer some kinds of movements, the resources to think in radically transformative terms.

The question of leadership has always been a controversial issue within left-wing movements. However, with the dramatic rise in recent years of right-wing populist leaders like Donald Trump, Rodrigo Duterte or Jair Bolsonaro, the question of whether left-wing movements should emulate this phenomenon by fostering and encouraging the emergence of appealing and instantly recognisable leaders within their own ranks.

Beyond this pragmatic question of emulation, the contributions made notably by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe have brought substantial theoretical support to this idea. Likewise, Mouffe argued for the need to develop a specific form of left-wing populism to counter right-wing populism, using the more inclusionary discourse of a critique of the neoliberal elite rather than an exclusionary discourse of xenophobic nationalism that targets vulnerable minorities, be them migrants or religious communities.

I will notably focus on the inevitable tension between two types of political performances of identity that are inherent to populism: performances of ordinariness and performances of extraordinariness. In his research, he develops an interdisciplinary approach to populism as a performative political style, which combines politics and performance to apply it in particular to the case of right-wing populism.

In a dramatic reversal of political scenery, the seeds of which had already been visible, in two consecutive years Austria saw a radical shift in its election performance. After a tightly fought Presidential race that drew extensive international coverage, in December Alexander Van der Bellen was confirmed as President. She has published extensively in the areas of contemporary theatre, society and politics and her research concentrates on internationalism and cultural sociology through the lens of performance. Angelaki is also the co-editor for the Palgrave Macmillan series Adaptation in Theatre and Performance.

Unlike polemical, campaigning socialist theatre, Make Better Please did not attempt to deliver a singular political message. Neither was our agenda to persuade or unite the public around an issue, or to assemble them for or against a cause. He is artistic director of the theatre company Uninvited Guests, which authors work collaboratively with audiences and explores new approaches to political performance. Populism posits a Manichean view of the world between two antagonistic groups, 'the pure people' versus 'the corrupt elite'.

Populists thus tend to claim a 'moral monopoly of representation' that concomitantly though not always simplifies contemporary political and socio-economic issues to such an extreme that it is rendered distinct from the ordinary parameters of public. Here, we speculate whether such a 'domestic-human rights instrument' like the BBoR would be underwritten by a potentially fatal tension of human rights-entitlements predicated on citizenship or stringent residency requirements- arguably a partial concession to radical right populists. Finally, it is necessary to acknowledge some legitimate critiques of the HRA which populist driven attacks have been able to exploit and ask whether the HRA has been concomitant with neo-liberalism that has arguably presaged a surge in populism.

Keynotes, Abstracts, Bios

In light of these issues, we make some remarks on what any reforms of the HRA ought to look like. It examines what it means to bring representatives of the fractured cultures of the Left — academia, activists, critics, experts — together into a single space alongside adversarial figures. Using what could be described as critical utopianism, General Assembly attempts to find a way around the failures of existing institutions to create a framework for future real-world organizations that also responds to their many failures and shortcomings.

Lily is writing about the political, controversial, and undeniably exciting theatre of Swiss theatre- and film-maker Milo Rau and the International Institute of Political Murder. Emerging out of the Left-cultural movement in the early s Praja Natya Mandali PNM carried out its ideological work by using popular folk forms among the land-less peasants, agricultural workers and women against the oppression by the Nizam monarch and local landlords in rural Andhra-Telangana region of the southern plateau in India.

Based on the material gathered about PNM, the paper maps the history of the organisation with particular focus on the cultural works of its women actor-organisers during key mass movements namely Telangana Armed struggle, Anti-Arrack movement and the Nation Literacy Mission. Through its cultural work PNM mobilized hundreds of women from the economically and socially ostracized communities into the streets. The paper seeks methodological framework to complicate the idea of the cultural work as the political task taken up by the women actor-organisers in PNM, who devised new roles for themselves within their gendered organisational structures?

How non-recognition of the cultural work of these women can be countered by studying the moments of agency in performances and organisational histories within the collective?

Modern Drama

It examines whether, in the context of PNM, the cultural Left ever developed a distinct identity or was it merely another manifestation of the political Left? She has served as Secretary of the group. After working with the group for over a decade, in , she started pursuing M. Currently, she is teaching an elective course on Reading Cities through Neighbourhoods as a guest faculty at Centre for Community Knowledge, Ambedkar University, Delhi. Living archives as embodied collective memories. Forms of resistance and for claiming a right to the city.

The right to the city as advocated by social movements worldwide encompasses a large spectrum of claims and are themselves part of more global movements of contestation and resistance to political and economic systems. From this perspective the presentation will question the relations and divergences between social and cultural claims made by subaltern groups in Brixton, UK and Cluj, Romania. While in Cluj the claims for redistribution, equality of rights and welfare for Roma are situated in a more classical rhetoric of the Left that refuses cultural designations, in Brixton cultural claims for recognition of the black community and of a memory of slavery are used for social objectives in fighting gentrification.

Our approach of the two contexts focuses on performances of mobilisation and resistance and on collective memory formation using documentation, creation and use of archives for present action. Supported by the institutionalised form of community archives, collective memory gives its cultural identity to Brixton while it is also used in social struggles. In Cluj, informal forms of documenting the lived experience of struggles by activists supports memory formation that refuels contestation, giving struggles a cumulative character.

Adriana Diaconu is lecturer in urban studies and planning at the University Grenoble Alpes - Institute of Planning and Alpine Geography, where she directs the first year Master program in Urbanism. Trained in architecture, planning and urban studies she develops interdisciplinary approaches to urban spaces and places by addressing both social practices and embodied experiences in the city and their relations to political discourses and urban policies.

She published on housing policies and urban transformation, on cultural heritage claims and collective memories of vulnerable social groups. In her recent research work Dr Diaconu addresses epistemological and methodological exchanges between social sciences and the arts as part of the cross-disciplinary Performance Laboratory program of the University Grenoble Alpes. Based on critical urban theories, his research focuses on the stakeholders and the ideologies underlying urban policies and town planning.

His fieldwork expanded to address urban struggles and the use of collective memories in urban movements opposing urban renewal and gentrification in France and Great Britain. Busquet published especially on the right to the city, social movements, urban policies, participatory town planning, ideologies and utopias and more broadly on the relation between space and politics.

Theatre is a social experience and is therefore by definition a communal activity. For many it is also the perfect political tool. Among politically-committed experiments in the United Kingdom is Community Theatre: plays are written by professional playwrights, with and for particular communities, often cities or regions, and include hundreds of volunteer cast members from the community. This paper aims at exploring how Community Plays created in the past three decades for Dorchester have tried to engage in new ways of defining a community, focusing on what different groups, divided by their social classes, their geographical origins or their religious faith, may find in common, beside living in the same city, through the creation of a play.

Focusing on the various possible definitions of what is the common s G. Delannoi, P. Dardot , we would like to look deeper into the tensions articulating the dialectics of community and communitarianism. How can artists recreate a sense of bonding, a feeling of a shared cultural experience, without erasing in the process what makes each individual different and special in the community?

How can they build on those differences and try to create a new society enriched by the variety of its components? As a specialist of British theatre of the 19 th and 20 th centuries, and more particularly of contemporary committed playwrights, she has published extensively on David Edgar but also on G. She is currently shadowing the work of playwright Stephanie Dale, who is writing the next Community Play for the city of Dorchester, to be performed in June And finally, what does this tell us about the possibilities as well as the blindspots of a trans-national repertoire of resistance on the Left?

Her current research is on the impact that cultural memory, urban transformation and international migration have had on Turkish theatre in the twenty-first century. In this paper, I challenge some of the assumptions that inform much of the thinking about the nature of political works of art by asking what makes a work political today? A third edited volume, Theatre, Performance, Foucault! Like the rest of Europe and the world, right wing politics and anti-immigration initiatives have seen a steady rise in Denmark.

Set against this socio-political framework, this paper explores firstly how assemblies like Trampoline House community house for refugees and asylum seekers in Copenhagen , work to provide a place of welcome and hospitality through a holistic approach to democracy.

Thus while it is problematic to proposing theatre and community spaces as the solution to larger political operations, the theatrical process with the group lends valuable thought to notions of counter-na. She has facilitated creative community projects with refugees and asylum seekers for Kaleidoscope, YCSA, Trampoline House and Detention Centre, and frequently works in the intersection between research, community and political engagement and arts practice.

Momentum and the disco turn: popular strategies for Party politics and rebuilding political cultures of the Left in 21 st century Britain. Over the last decade austerity politics and deepening inequality under neoliberalism have prompted a resurgence of explicitly socialist politics.

In the UK, the election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party in has rekindled interest in socialist praxis among party activists, some of whom have departed from traditional meetings and recruitment activity to vest energy in running popular social and cultural events. This paper focuses on the Manchester branch of the pro-Corbyn organisation, Momentum, and their recruitment of activists through locally embedded art projects and a social programme that includes activities such as hiking excursions, football matches, cinema, gigs and disco nights.

Embodied Avatars

Inspired by activists from international movements across the 20 th century, they have also looked closer to home, specifically at organised socialist activity in s Salford. We will consider how, by recontextualising specific traditions, activists are attempting to produce a politics that moves beyond party organising and towards creating sustainable cultures of resistance. Dr Rebecca Hillman R. Hillman exeter. Her work as a trade unionist and political activist inform her theatre making, teaching, and her research into the function of cultural forms in social movements and political organisations.

She is especially interested in socialist and working-class culture, the way political theatre has been canonised, and contemporary movements that harness cultural forms to make change in the world. Dr Sarah Weston S. Weston leeds. Her research is largely practice-based, investigating voice training as a tool of political intervention with young women.

She is currently Co-Editor of the Theatre Dance and Performance Training Blog, creating a new dimension of the blog that explores training in applied theatre contexts. She is also a theatre practitioner, specialising in community work particularly with her theatre company Salford Community Theatre. At the beginning of the twentieth century the discontents of capitalist modernity begot the quest for alternative forms of life [Lebensformen] which could recover a sense of collective unity.

The call for transformative communal experiences was shared by the political and artistic movements which emerged in industrialised countries across Europe. Aspects of Greek theatre such as the chorus and the ritual character not only provided the means to revolutionise theatre aesthetics but were also deployed within the political cultures that developed in the inter-war period. Within both avant-garde theatres and revolutionary politics theatrical and political articulations merge, turning performance into a shared area of radical possibility.

In this respect, performance can provide a heuristic tool to explore the synergies between politics and aesthetics. The proposed paper will examine the intricacies of the political performance cultures in inter-war Germany through a comparative analysis of proletarian and Nazi theatres and manifestations. The proposed paper aims to challenge the assumption that similarities in proletarian and fascist manifestations attest to affinities in their respective political and cultural programmes.

Despite the formal resemblances and interconnections, I will argue that there are radical divergences in the way power structures are framed and embodied in fascist theatre and events compared to the earlier proletarian performances. Whilst the positioning of bodies in proletarian choruses defies hierarchical organisation, fascist performances organise the masses around the individual leader. Paying attention to these differences is even more urgent in the present time, as contemporary radical and anti-establishment movements with distinctive political legacies, values, and pursuits are often categorised as populist by mainstream discourses.

The analysis will pose methodological questions pertaining to the historical legacies of the left and the ultra-right; how can we study the genealogies and homologies of the political ideologies of the past outside the ideological value systems shaped by historical experience? Her research interests lie in the reception, adaptation, and performance of Greek tragedy in the twentieth century. Her ongoing research investigates performances of Greek tragedy under fascist regimes in Germany, Italy, and Greece during the interwar period.

After all, much of the past decade has seen nationalism become the most reliable broker of electoral power. It has informed the rise of far-right populisms whilst also fortifying centre-right rule. These nationalisms manifest along multiple registers. At times, the emphasis is economic protectionism. Elsewhere, they rails, against the dictates and opacity of various supranational institutions, not least the EU.

So, as western capitalism reneges on the welfare contract, creating a new political vacuum, it is painfully frustrating that nationalism is rehabilitated as the most likely custodian of political discourse. And it is doubly frustrating that some who propagate for a left alternative also seem wedded to the nation — in asserting control over migration, over defence, over security, and over how we imagine our everyday sense of community. As these frustrations multiply, our talk will provide a historically attuned analysis of the relationship in Britain between the current crisis and xeno-racist nationalism, including an engagement with the myths surrounding whiteness and the working class.

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On the one hand, we wish to press the importance of recognising the central role of racial nationalism in recent governance. It is our wider argument that this repudiation can only manifest through a solid understanding of the contemporary crisis in which these nationalisms arise. Malcolm James is a writer and teacher employed by University of Sussex. His research interests are in cultural studies, post-colonial and critical race approaches to youth, urban culture, migration, music and sound.

Much of his work is community based, around youth clubs in East London. His essays, articles and journalism are widely published. He can be found in person, on twitter mookron or emailed at malcolm. Valluvan has written widely in the areas of racism and ethnicity, nationalism and cosmopolitanism, consumerism, and social and cultural theory more broadly. Valluvan can be mailed at s. Anuradha Kapur is a theatre-maker and teacher. Her theatre work has travelled nationally and internationally, and she has taught in theatre schools and universities in India and abroad.

She is a founding member of Vivadi, a working group of theatre practitioners, visual artists, film-makers, musicians and writers. Vivadi seeks to do interdisciplinary work and attempts exchange between practice and research. Her writings on performance have been widely anthologized and her book, Actors Pilgrims Kings and Gods: the Ramlila at Ramnagar , was published by Seagull Books, Calcutta , Anuradha Kapur was invited to curate the performance window for body. She cocurated the theatre section of the Serendipity Arts Festival in Goa in and will do the edition as well.

It thereby serves to re-open representation as the ground of the political as such, and as the site of its re-appearance within the otherwise bounded theatricality of the representational regime. Both works examine how the lived experience of everyday lives might be brought to the stage through an apparent logic of presentation rather than representation: by ordinary people occupying the space of theatrical performance rather than seeing themselves and their lives represented by others i.

He is the author of numerous books and articles investigating the relationship between performance, politics and cultural practice. The paper considers the complicated intersections here. How can the performance of protest help convey and secure the intentions of protest? How does protest persuade amid stark differences of perspective, and the staging of agonistic expressions of affective presence? He is series editor of 4x45, published by Digital Theatre online videos and Routledge print volumes. The unprecedented influx of people into the EU in strengthened the institutionalisation of the right-wing populist parties, legitimising racism as a defensive strategy against immigrants who they see as a threat to the nation-state and national identity.

Drawing inspiration from the left-leaning vertical social movement performances that practice engagement with dominant institutions as a strategy for contesting hegemonic politics such as Podemos , I will employ engagement with representation and identity appropriated by dominant institutions as a strategy capable of contesting contemporary forms of racial nationalism, which advances discrimination of people on the basis of their race, religion, ethnicity, culture and gender.

Examining the relationship between contemporary cultural performances and theatrical performances within the current context of a growing power of the right-wing populist parties, the objective of this paper is to envisage collectivity in terms of identification symbolically evolving around anti-racist struggle. He finds inspiration in post-Marxist theories of discourse analysis, hegemony and antagonism, and is publishing on relating issues in various journals, books and catalogues.

Right wing populist politics have made their advent in areas of performance that were erstwhile seen as inherently progressive or left. The street theatre festival Udaan [Flight] has been taking place annually in Delhi University since , growing its participation base each year. The festival is organised by the political Right, and even-though this fact is not stated forthrightly, closer examination reveals close kinship that it shows with the fraternity of right-wing organisations.

To juxtapose, the paper presents the organisational aspects of the practice of Jana Natya Manch, Delhi based amateur left political theatre group.

It contends that, against the mammoth organism of the right-wing that the Left faces, for any resistance to sustain, alongside the political and ideological terrains of struggle, it must simultaneously develop a robust organisational arm. The paper seeks to present optimistic possibilities and potentials of counter-struggle and also, potentially, contribute to a more nuanced understanding of political theatre and its efficacy. Her research explores various forms of street theatre practices in the national capital region of Delhi, India. Her other interests include theatre and urbanscapes, theatre and students, student movements, theatre documentation, and Indian theatre history.

In response to the rise of authoritarian regimes Turkey, India, Hungary, While the New World Summit has very real consequences for participants crossing borders, contesting travel and trade bans; Shy Radicals presents a fictional creative state-building project. While the former views the state as something oppressive, which needs a radical kind of overthrowing, the latter views the idea of the state as an inventive form of power with the potential to uphold progressive human rights protection and good public services, which needs a more liberal kind of co-opting.

This binary is not new for Left aesthetics of resistance, but both political campaigners provide new insights into structural violence, essentially providing new humanist narratives and vocabularies — Staal rather loudly, Ahsan quietly. Anika Marschall University of Glasgow, a. Her research focuses on contemporary art and human rights. Anika is co-editor of the Scottish Journal for Performance. Currently, she is working on a contribution for Performance Research, reflecting on the Macintosh art school fire in He demonstrates that populists like Trump are always ready exploit the divide between the language of the educated leftist elite and the needs of the underprivileged.

In her book For a Left Populism, Chantal Moufe engages with similar effects of populist rhetoric, arguing that the time has come for the Left to reclaim its political weight using strategies of populist performance. I locate its political program and performative aesthetics within the practice of staging affective citizenship and creating communities of hope. Her research interests are in drama and performance theory, theatre of exile and migration, and practical dramaturgy, with book and articles publications on these topics, including Performing Exile — Performing Self: Drama, Theatre, Film , the special issue of Theatre Research in Canada on theatre and immigration; and the special issue of Modern Drama on migration and multilingualism in European theatre.

Currently, she is editing a two volume publication on theatre and im migration in Canada for Playwrights Canada Press. A new nation is an act of territorial imagination. With Independence on 15th August India, a geographical entity, as vast in its territory as complex in its demography, was brought into existence by the stroke of a colonial pen, flanked on either side by Pakistan and East Pakistan. While the word Indian had been used since at least by the Indian National Congress as an act of political imagination, the spatial configurations of the new nation continued to be negotiated long after the British had left.

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Yet, even before the final Indian. Independence Act, the subjects of its ruling had starting addressing themselves to the task of who or what were Indians. IPTA, taking its cue from the Communist Party of India, recognized on its platforms a broader global anti-fascist struggle.